Club Breton
Deputies from Brittany meet during the Estates General and create the political network that later develops into the Jacobin Club.
The Revolution’s influential political society. Explore the related historical entries from the same archive as the main French Revolution records.

Deputies from Brittany meet during the Estates General and create the political network that later develops into the Jacobin Club.
Reform deputies use the Breton Club as a place to coordinate action around the new National Assembly.
Mirabeau takes part in revolutionary political discussion while the Breton Club attracts wider national attention.
Sieyes helped organize the Club Breton, an early political network that later contributed to the Jacobin movement.
Liberal deputies from the Breton Club (the forerunner to the Jacobin movement) believed the peasants could only be calmed by a grand gesture from the Assembly, such as a partial surrender of feudal rights.
After the royal family is brought to Paris the Breton network begins meeting near the Jacobin convent in Paris.
Le Chapelier participated in the Breton deputies' informal meetings during the Estates General. Their discussion network provided an organizational precursor to the Jacobin Club.
Robespierre became increasingly active in the Society of the Friends of the Constitution. His speeches linked constitutional reform to a defense of political equality.
Barras joined the Jacobin political movement as his support for the Revolution became more radical.
The Society of the Friends of the Constitution becomes widely known as the Jacobin Club from its meeting place in the former Jacobin convent.
The Jacobin Club expands its influence through speeches correspondence and affiliated societies.
Affiliated Jacobin societies begin linking Parisian politics with provincial revolutionary opinion.
Radical newspapers help spread arguments also heard in the Jacobin and Cordelier political circles.
The growing prominence of Jacobin and Cordeliers activists created new channels of criticism outside municipal institutions. Bailly's moderate conception of lawful government increasingly conflicted with radical street politics.
Barnave and other constitutional monarchists initially exercised considerable influence within the Jacobins. The society was not yet identified exclusively with radical republicanism.
Barras developed connections with the Jacobin political movement as the Revolution transformed French public life. Club networks provided an avenue into national politics outside his former military career.
The political society developed connections with affiliated clubs beyond the capital. Members such as Le Chapelier helped make political coordination a feature of the emerging revolutionary network.
Petion participated in discussion about the relationship between municipal government and national sovereignty. The club helped translate local political disputes into national questions.
Brissot participated in the political networks associated with the Jacobin Club. Debates there helped him build ties with deputies who would later support an assertive foreign policy.
Brissot combined newspaper advocacy with participation in revolutionary political networks. His arguments helped connect the club to debates over foreign policy and constitutional reform.
Barnave defended the Jacobin Club against constitutional monarchist rivals during a major political dispute.
The Jacobin Club becomes a forum where doubts about monarchy and royal trust increasingly appear.
Robespierre argues that the kings flight reveals a deep crisis of trust in the monarchy.
Argues that the king's flight exposes a grave crisis of trust in the monarchy.
After the kings flight to Varennes Robespierre and other Jacobins question the future of constitutional monarchy.
The failed flight to Varennes led Jacobin members to reassess the king's reliability. Robespierre questioned whether constitutional monarchy could survive the breach of trust.
Barnave joined political moderates who broke from the Jacobin Club amid dispute over the king's future. The departing members helped create the Feuillant alignment.
Adrien Duport joined the Feuillant split after the Varennes crisis.
Alexandre Lameth joined the moderate constitutional monarchist Feuillant Club.
Charles Lameth joined the Feuillant split from the Jacobin Club.
Moderate constitutional monarchists leave the Jacobin Club and form the Feuillant Club after the crisis over the king.
Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave joined moderate constitutional monarchists who leave the Jacobin Club for the Feuillants.
Danton and fellow Cordeliers favored mobilization outside parliamentary circles to contest restoration of the king. Their approach helped create the setting for the next day's petition at the Champ de Mars.
Barnave joined constitutional monarchists who broke away from the Jacobin Club amid arguments over the fate of Louis XVI. The division helped produce the Feuillant political alignment.
Robespierre remained in the Jacobin camp while constitutional monarchists separated from its increasingly radical membership. The split made conflict over popular petitions and public order more visible.
The Champ de Mars massacre deepens the division between moderate constitutionalists and more radical Jacobins.
The massacre deepens the split between radical Jacobins and moderate constitutionalists.
Robespierre retained a position in radical politics despite mounting hostility between Jacobins and Feuillants. The violence had deepened rather than settled arguments about constitutional authority.
Robespierre's political allies gained opportunities as moderate authority weakened in Paris. The municipal change reflected a larger shift toward popular activists and their elected representatives.
Brissot delivered a major defense of war at the Jacobin Club. He claimed that confronting foreign enemies could consolidate the Revolution, a view that became central to his political reputation.
Vergniaud became associated with the legislators pressing the court to answer foreign threats. His eloquence helped make the war question central to parliamentary debate.
Guadet challenged the reliability of ministers responsible for responding to European rulers. Such attacks increased tension between militant legislators and the constitutional monarch.
Brissot presented war as a way to expose internal enemies and defend the revolutionary nation. Robespierre and other critics warned that armies might not spread liberty as easily as war advocates supposed.
Participates in Jacobin politics and local National Guard activity in Corsica.
Maximilien Francois Marie Robespierre became a member of the Jacobin Club.
Napoleon I helped found the Jacobin Club. Appointed Member of Ajaccio Jacobin Club.
Brissot argued that confronting foreign monarchies could expose threats to revolutionary France. His activism helped divide deputies over the risks of international conflict.
Robespierre remained with the Jacobin Club when leading constitutional monarchists departed. This decision strengthened his standing among activists who opposed retreat from revolutionary principles.
Brissotins and future Girondins remain influential in the Jacobin network before later conflict with the Mountain.
Jacobins and Girondins debate the war after France declares war on Austria.
Announces to the Assembly that the Jacobins are a state within a state.
Lafayette appeared before the Legislative Assembly to condemn radical political agitation. His stance exposed how a former National Guard commander had become estranged from militant Parisian activists.
Appears at the bar of the Assembly and demands the dissolution of the Jacobins.
Raises a force from the National Guard to march on the Jacobins but fails.
The fall of Louis XVI increased the influence of radical clubs in the capital. Robespierre supported a political settlement based on the newly emerging republic.
The National Convention abolishes monarchy and Jacobin deputies become central to republican politics.
The new French Republic creates a political setting in which the Jacobin Club becomes more openly republican.
Saint-Just enters national politics and becomes associated with the radical Jacobin Mountain.
Lafayette failed to mobilize decisive support for action against the Jacobins, demonstrating his declining political influence in the capital.
Leads a pro-war faction in the Jacobin Party and founds the Girondins.
Madame Roland and her husband defected from the Jacobins in early 1792 and, with Jacques-Pierre Brissot, formed the moderate Girondin party.
Robespierre participated in Parisian municipal politics during the period following the overthrow of the monarchy. The Commune connected neighborhood radicals to national revolutionary decision making.
Danton and other Jacobin associated figures entered the argument about trying Louis XVI. The debate linked republican legitimacy to the accountability of the former monarch.
Lafayette appeared before the legislature and criticized radical clubs, provoking a confrontation between army leadership and parliamentary opinion.
Lafayette publicly criticized Jacobin political pressure, provoking deep suspicion of a general whose troops were needed against foreign enemies.
Marat's newspaper attacked suspected enemies of the Revolution and encouraged vigilance against betrayal. His polemics deepened hostility between radical activists and moderate deputies.
Advocates of war and skeptics increasingly challenged one another in Jacobin debates. Brissot's position foreshadowed the split between Girondins and the Mountain.
Saint Just became associated with the radical parliamentary wing of Jacobin politics after entering the Convention. His arguments emphasized the defense of the Republic against perceived enemies.
The execution of Louis XVI intensifies conflict between Jacobins Girondins and foreign enemies of the Republic.
Marat and radical Jacobins attack Girondin leaders as civil war and foreign invasion threaten the Republic.
A Jacobin committee of Marat and Montagnards calls Paris "to arms" against the Girondins.
The Jacobins assumed more and more power during the spring of 1793, with the support of the Parisian mob, which overawed the Convention, culminating in a coup at the end of May.
The Jacobins will hold power until the summer of 1794, and they repeatedly purged the Convention of those they held disloyal to the Republic.
The Jacobins will hold power until the summer of 1794, and they repeatedly purged the Convention of those they held disloyal to the Republic, ending with a widespread program of execution, the Reign of Terror in their last months.
Robespierre promoted a Republic of Virtue while Jacobin rule intensified repression before his overthrow on 9 Thermidor.
Paris militants and the Mountain force the arrest of leading Girondins after months of struggle with Jacobins.
Hanriot's armed forces supported the insurrectionary pressure that removed leading Girondins from the Convention. The outcome strengthened the Mountain and its Parisian allies.
Stabs Marat to death in his bath. Stabs Jean-Paul Marat to death in his bath. A reaction to the Jacobin challenge to the Girondists.
Stabbed to death in his bath by Charlotte Corday, a Girondist and anti-Jacobin.
The leader of the Lyons Jacobins is executed.
Robespierre joins the Committee of Public Safety while Jacobin influence over revolutionary government increases.
Robespierre joined the Committee of Public Safety as wartime government became increasingly centralized. His association with the Jacobins gave the club a prominent connection to executive authority.
Hebert and militant allies press the Convention and Jacobins toward harsher measures against enemies.
Popular pressure places terror on the order of the day as Jacobin dominated government confronts war and revolt.
The Law of Suspects expands arrests of those considered enemies of the Revolution during Jacobin rule.
Chaumette became associated with celebrations presenting Reason as an alternative to traditional religious authority. The ceremonies expressed a cultural radicalism not shared by all Jacobin leaders.
Couthon supported the Jacobin constitutional project as a promise of democratic legitimacy during a period of civil rebellion and foreign war.
Robespierre rejected militant attacks on religious belief that he thought damaged the revolutionary cause. Disagreement over dechristianization sharpened the conflict with radical activists.
Marat attacked leading Girondin deputies as obstacles to national survival. His speeches and journalism contributed to the factional crisis of spring 1793.
Jacques Hébert and allies attacked Danton at the Jacobin Club as disputes deepened among revolutionary factions.
Barere supported emergency legislation to supply armies fighting the coalition. The Jacobin aligned Convention treated popular mobilization as essential to military survival.
Couthon promoted the authority of revolutionary institutions against regional opposition. His position reflected the Jacobins' preference for unified national government during the emergency.
Hebert and militant allies pressed the government to act against food hoarding and profiteering. Their pressure came from a political current distinct from Robespierre's inner circle.
Robespierre defended extraordinary measures as France faced external war and internal rebellion. The club became a crucial forum for advocating revolutionary government.
Fouche participated in the severe suppression of Lyon after its revolt against the Convention. The campaign later contributed to divisions among leading Jacobins over revolutionary excess.
Robespierre defended Danton against some denunciations, although cooperation between the leading Jacobins subsequently deteriorated.
Billaud Varenne supported stronger measures against suspected counterrevolutionaries. Jacobin arguments for vigilance helped justify intrusive surveillance and detention policies.
La Revelliere Lepeaux withdrew from the center of revolutionary politics during the Terror, when the fate of moderate deputies was especially uncertain.
Conflict grows between the Jacobin leadership and Hebertist militants over dechristianisation and popular pressure.
Robespierre presided over the Festival of the Supreme Being as part of a program of civic morality. Critics viewed the ceremony with suspicion amid factional rivalries.
Robespierre addressed the Jacobin Club after a bitter Convention debate and denounced unnamed enemies. The confrontation preceded his arrest the following day.
Robespierre addressed the Jacobin Club after a contentious speech in the Convention, challenging opponents he regarded as conspirators. The hostile atmosphere made a direct struggle for control of the revolutionary government increasingly likely.
Maximilien Robespierre figured in events surrounding final jacobin appeal at Paris. The hostile atmosphere made a direct struggle for control of the revolutionary government increasingly likely. This episode contributed to the replacement of centralized Jacobin emergency rule with a less unified, more conservative Convention.
Paul Francois Jean Nicolas Barras figured in events surrounding barras receives military command at Paris. His assignment made the defense of parliamentary authority a military operation. This episode contributed to the replacement of centralized Jacobin emergency rule with a less unified, more conservative Convention.
Jean-Baptiste Fleuriot-Lescot figured in events surrounding commune resists the convention at Paris. The confrontation threatened to split the capital between rival centers of authority. This episode contributed to the replacement of centralized Jacobin emergency rule with a less unified, more conservative Convention.
The Jacobin Club is closed after the execution of Robespierre and other members on 9 Thermidor of the year II (27 July 1794).
During the Thermidorian struggle Hanriot sought to mobilize force against the Convention's arrests. His efforts failed to sustain an effective coalition of armed sections.
Robespierre is denounced in the Convention on 9 Thermidor and the Jacobin political system begins to collapse.
Amar aligns with opponents of Robespierre as the Convention turns against the Jacobin leadership.
The arrest of Robespierre undermined the political network directing emergency judicial policy. Tribunal officials closely associated with his faction quickly became vulnerable.
Tallien helped unite Convention opponents against Robespierre on 9 Thermidor. The arrests destroyed the political leadership most closely associated with the Jacobins.
Robespierre is executed and the Jacobin Club loses its dominant position in revolutionary politics.
The ultimate political vehicle for the Jacobin movement was the Reign of Terror overseen by the Committee of Public Safety, who were given executive powers to purify and unify the Republic.
Robespierre tries to found the Republic of Virtue, until the Jacobins last purge, 9 Thermidor, in July 1794, executed Robespierre himself.
Jacobin rule increasingly depended on the Committee of Public Safety until Robespierre’s overthrow weakened the movement.
Jean-Lambert Tallien figured in events surrounding emergency justice revised at Paris. Tallien belonged to the ascendant faction pressing against renewed concentration of punitive power. This episode contributed to the replacement of centralized Jacobin emergency rule with a less unified, more conservative Convention.
The National Convention orders the Jacobin Club in Paris closed during the Thermidorian reaction.
The Jacobin Club is closed as the Thermidorian Reaction weakens radical political organisation.
The Convention closed the Jacobin Club amid the Thermidorian reaction. The decision ended the leading Parisian society's central role in revolutionary political mobilization.
The Convention closed the Paris Jacobin Club after confrontations involving opponents of its remaining militants. The decision sharply reduced the organizational influence of the radical Jacobin movement.
Jean-Lambert Tallien figured in events surrounding jacobin club closed at Paris. The decision sharply reduced the organizational influence of the radical Jacobin movement. It formed part of the unsettled transition that eventually produced the Constitution of Year III and the Directory.
Jean-Baptiste Carrier figured in events surrounding carrier condemned at Paris. His fate illustrated how the Thermidorian regime punished selected officials of the earlier Terror. This episode contributed to the replacement of centralized Jacobin emergency rule with a less unified, more conservative Convention.
Tallien supports the campaign against surviving Robespierrists and radical Jacobins.
Freron encourages young anti Jacobin militants during the reaction against the Terror.
Freron encouraged militants who confronted remaining Jacobin supporters in Paris after Thermidor. Organized street pressure weakened the club's ability to defend itself.
Tallien encouraged the reaction against radical clubs as the Convention's new balance of power threatened institutions previously associated with the Terror.
Danton and associates became identified with appeals for greater restraint in emergency punishment. Their stance provoked suspicion from other revolutionary leaders.
Robespierre tries to found the Republic of Virtue, until the Jacobins last purge, 9 Thermidor, in July 1794, executed Robespierre himself.
The ultimate political vehicle for the Jacobin movement was the Reign of Terror overseen by the Committee of Public Safety, who were given executive powers to purify and unify the Republic.
Thermidor is an alliance between those who felt Robespierre had gone too far and those who felt he had not gone far enough they were unable to maintain their control of the Convention.
eased out of power and the Jacobins dissolve.
Members of the Jacobin Club disputed whether his newspaper undermined revolutionary government. The debate exposed the narrowing tolerance for dissent within radical politics.
Saint Just helped articulate accusations against alleged revolutionary conspirators in early 1794. The suppression of Hebert's circle narrowed the political left.
Desmoulins's Le Vieux Cordelier criticized repression and questioned the committees' conduct. His journalism brought open disagreement into the revolutionary political movement.
Fouche survived the Thermidorian reversal and maneuvered among deputies who sought to curtail the authority of surviving Jacobin networks.
Robespierre’s overthrow on 9 Thermidor united opponents of different factions and began a rapid decline in Jacobin power.
Tallien remained influential as the Convention increasingly favored measures against surviving Jacobin networks. The realignment changed political alliances without ending intense conflict over the Revolution's legacy.
Jean-Charles Pichegru figured in events surrounding pichegru called to secure paris at Paris. The use of regular military authority indicated the regime's mistrust of radical street politics. This episode contributed to the replacement of centralized Jacobin emergency rule with a less unified, more conservative Convention.
Barras entered the new Directory after the Convention adopted the Constitution of Year III. The settlement deliberately separated institutions to avoid a return to concentrated Jacobin rule.
The Thermidorian authorities and anti Jacobin activists continued to target radical clubs and militants. The collapse of organized Jacobin influence transformed the political life of the capital.
The Directory's constitution relied upon primary and electoral assemblies rather than direct mass elections to the councils. The system narrowed democratic participation compared with the Jacobin constitution that had never been implemented.
The discovery of Babeuf's conspiracy raised fears of a new attack on the Directory's constitutional order. Legislators considered how republican security laws could be enforced without returning to Jacobin emergency government.
Newspaper agitation exposed the fragile relationship between freedom of expression and security under the Directory. The Five Hundred became a forum for arguments about suppressing monarchist or neo-Jacobin publications.
The Law of 22 Floréal annulled or altered election results that favored neo-Jacobins. Legislative approval enabled the Directory's supporters to blunt an unwelcome political shift through electoral invalidation.
The Law of 22 Floréal invalidated numerous election results favorable to neo-Jacobins. Barras benefited from the executive's ability to blunt legislative opposition through exceptional electoral measures.
The Law of 22 Floréal led to the exclusion of numerous newly elected deputies linked to the neo-Jacobin opposition. The measure demonstrated that electoral results were vulnerable to legislative annulment.
Talleyrand resigned as Minister of Foreign Relations after political attacks increased during the renewed Jacobin influence of 1799.
As Minister of Police, Fouche closed the meeting place at the Manege used by the revived Jacobin political club.
The councils confronted emergency financial proposals intended to fund defense during the War of the Second Coalition. Disputes over a forced loan revealed divisions between property holders and renewed Jacobin pressure.
Neo-Jacobin deputies supported extraordinary financial measures to fund national defense. Opposition to the forced loan revealed the division between wartime egalitarian demands and the concerns of property owners.
Military reverses and dissatisfaction with the Directors strengthened more radical republican deputies. The lower chamber became a central arena for calls to replace the executive's leadership.