Putney Debates
Rich warns that giving equal voting power to masters and servants might allow men without property to choose representatives hostile to property
Putney Debates
England · Warfare / Civil War. Chronological records from PostgreSQL.
Putney Debates — page 2 of 3
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1647–1647years on this page
1647
Putney Debates
Rainsborough argues at the Putney Debates that political rights should not be limited to men of property
Putney Debates
Rainsborough argues that even the poorest man in England has a life to live and should not be bound by a government to which he has not consented
Putney Debates
Ireton opposes the Leveller demand for a broad male franchise, arguing that political power should rest with those who have a fixed interest in the kingdom
Putney Debates
Ireton replies that voting rights should belong to those with a permanent fixed interest in the kingdom, because otherwise property and civil order might be endangered
Putney Debates
Cowling contributes to the religious and political discussion, reflecting the belief that the Army's constitutional choices should follow providential guidance
Putney Debates
William Rainsborough supports a broader franchise by arguing that government must preserve persons as well as estates
Putney Debates
William Rainsborough urges the Council to examine the rights and freedoms of the people before settling lesser questions of Army discipline and negotiation
Putney Debates
Peter intervenes during the franchise dispute, suggesting that a smaller group might work toward compromise after prolonged argument
Putney Debates
Saltmarsh's writing is requested for reading to the General Council, reflecting the religious language and providential arguments surrounding the Putney proceedings
Putney Debates
Allen argues from his religious experience that the task before the Army is to remove the negative voice of the King and Lords
Putney Debates
Carter says he no longer feels moved to pray that the King should become a blessing to the kingdom, showing radical distrust of Charles I during the debates
Putney Debates
Wildman objects that restoring the King's rights would leave the people's grievances insecure and would weaken the constitutional purpose of the Agreement
Putney Debates
Rich seeks a middle course on representation, accepting concern for the poor while still warning that equal suffrage could threaten property
Putney Debates
Rainsborough presses the case that soldiers who risked their lives in the war should not be left without political voice in the settlement
Putney Debates
Ireton defends the Army's earlier proposals and argues that peace must be settled through a lawful authority rather than by the Army alone
Putney Debates
Cowling argues that the sword has recovered the people's rights, linking the soldiers' wartime service to the claim that political rights must be secured
Putney Debates
Henry Lilburne challenges some historical claims about ancient liberties, showing that even radical religious and political arguments were disputed within the Council
Putney Debates
Cromwell discusses the King's negative voice and treats kingship as contractual, while resisting proposals that would immediately overthrow the monarchy
Putney Debates
Lambert's regiment is reported to have been approached by Agitators, underlining the Grandees' fear that the debate might spread into wider Army disorder
Putney Debates
Peter encourages continued discussion and possible compromise after the Council becomes stuck over the franchise and the balance between liberty and property
Putney Debates
Sexby and the Agitators remain concerned that any compromise must satisfy soldiers who believed the Army had fought for liberty as well as pay and indemnity
Putney Debates
Allen represents the rank-and-file demand that the Agreement be taken seriously by the General Council rather than buried by the officers' committee
Putney Debates
Petty's arguments for birthright and equal voice help define the radical side of the debate, though the result does not secure full manhood suffrage
Putney Debates
Ireton supports modifying the Agreement rather than adopting the Leveller draft unchanged, producing a limited result short of the radicals' full programme
Provenance and editorial notes
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